Free Scarlet Letter Essays: Hester and the Puritan Society :: Scarlet Letter essays

Hester and the Puritan Society of The Scarlet Letter Nathaniel Hawthorne's novel, The Scarlet Letter, focuses on the Puritan society. The Puritan society molded itself and created a government based upon the Bible and implemented it with force. The crime of adultery committed by Hester generated rage, and was qualified for serious punishment according to Puritan beliefs. Ultimately the town of Boston became intensely involved with Hester's life and her crime of adultery, and saw to it that she be publicly punished and tortured. Based upon the religious, governmental, and social design of the Puritan society, Hester's entire existence revolved around her sin and the Puritan perception. Therefore it is evident within The Scarlet Letter that the Puritan community to some degree has constructed Hester's character. In the novel The Scarlet Letter it is evident that the base of their social framework was that of the Church. The Church and beliefs of Protestantism became all encompassing within the town of Boston; meaning that the Church would be directly involved in the running of the community and its regime. The Enforcing of laws were established by scripture read from the Bible, as the Puritans considered the Bible as the "true law" of God that provided guidelines for church and government. Those who disagreed or committed crimes against the government, were not only criminals but also sinners, and they were sought to be punished severely. The Puritans stressed grace, devotion, prayer, and self-examination to achieve religious virtue while including a basic knowledge of unacceptable actions of the time; this was expected to secure order and peace within the Puritan community. The Puritan culture is one that recognizes Protestantism, a sect of Christianity. Though a fundamental of Christianity is forgiveness for one's sins, this seems to have been forgotten amongst the women of the community: "Morally, as well as materially, there was a coarser fiber in those wives and maidens of old English birth and breeding, than in their fair descendants." As read between the lines we can notice a concern in Hester's acceptance within the Puritan community. More so, Hester senses a lack of acceptance within the circle of woman in the community. The use of the term "coarser fiber" intertwines the relationship that she once had, and what it has become within the woman of the community. It has also come to my attention that when Hester compares the women of the community to their descendants, she clarifies that the women of the community have become deviant, and or immoral to their religious past.

Classical Theory Structure Essay -- essays research papers

Classical Theory Structure Introduction By way of illustration, in this document we will describe and explain the classical structural theory as presented by Max Weber. To highlight the advantages and disadvantages of this classical structure as used in a realistic modern organization we will apply this theroy as used today in our public police department. Classical Structural Theory In the classical structural theory a person is hired for their technical expertise rather than on the recommendation of a connection from within the company. Generally these people are more inclined to work in very well-defined process oriented positions. Employees are given titles in which the authority to perform specific duties are vested. Outside of the defined position the employee has little or no authority. Lines of authority and positions are clearly defined by formally established rules and regulations that help to ensure uniformity of operations, and provide for continuity of business as well as making responsibility easy to place. In his 10 points Weber implied that procedures imposed on all who fall within their reach are formal and impersonal (Pace & Faules, 1994, p. 30-31). In addition to these procedures, It is suggested that an attitude of discipline is an integral part of the organization that wants to promote efficiency (Pace & Faules, 1994, chapter 3). They are intentionally designed without attention to personal or emotional considerations to prevent distortion o...

Legend Of Love :: essays research papers

Approximately 500 versions of the Cinderella story are in circulation, making it one of the most famous tales in the world. The plot in this timeless classic has been used as a model for writers for countless generations. Whether in print or on film, Cinderella is an inspirational story. It allows young girls to fantasize being swept off their feet by a sweet, handsome prince, marry and "live happily ever after." For over hundreds of years the story has been refined and reworked, whether as the French "Cendrillon" or as the Brothers Grimm's "Cinderella." Though each tale is revised in different ways, the plot remains a common ground between them. The most recent version is, Ever After: A Cinderella Story, a film by Andy Tennant. This version has a realistic element, which is told to "set the record straight." Like many great love stories before, Ever After: A Cinderella Story, has plenty of conflict between good and evil, right and wrong, and the charming versus the wicked. These conflicts are portrayed through the correlation between each character, and the relationship between the protagonists and the antagonists. The Protagonists Grand Dame Grand Dame is the narrator who is setting the record straight. She is also the Great-Great-Granddaughter of Danielle/Cinderella. While the Brothers Grimm has their version of the Cinderella story, the Grand Dame knows the truth. She summons the Brothers Grimm and explains her family's history as she knows it. As the narrator, her character is a mediator, stepping in when the conflict is elevated. Danielle When she was eight, Danielle's father unexpectedly died. Left with her new stepmother, Rodmilla, Danielle is forced to be a servant to the household. Her strongest link to her father is the book, Utopia that he gave her the night before he died. An intriguing mix of tomboyish athleticism and physical beauty, she has enough charm to capture the heart of a prince. This spirited "Cinderella" is certainly no victim; against all odds, she stands up against a forceful and scheming stepmother. While Danielle does own a gorgeous pair of glass slippers, the words "magic pumpkin" are not in her vocabulary. Prince Henry Prince Henry has a secret. He doesn't want to be King of France. The prince finds peace in running away from the castle to escape from his obligations, including an arranged marriage to the princess of Spain. Prince Henry doesn't recognize his potential until Danielle enters the picture and shows

Japanese Industrialization and Economic Growth Essay

Japan achieved sustained growth in per capita income between the 1880s and 1970 through industrialization. Moving along an income growth trajectory through expansion of manufacturing is hardly unique. Indeed Western Europe, Canada, Australia and the United States all attained high levels of income per capita by shifting from agrarian-based production to manufacturing and technologically sophisticated service sector activity. Still, there are four distinctive features of Japan’s development through industrialization that merit discussion: The proto-industrial base Japan’s agricultural productivity was high enough to sustain substantial craft (proto-industrial) production in both rural and urban areas of the country prior to industrialization. Investment-led growth Domestic investment in industry and infrastructure was the driving force behind growth in Japanese output. Both private and public sectors invested in infrastructure, national and local governments serving as coordinating agents for infrastructure build-up. * Investment in manufacturing capacity was largely left to the private sector. * Rising domestic savings made increasing capital accumulation possible. * Japanese growth was investment-led, not export-led. Total factor productivity growth — achieving more output per unit of input — was rapid. On the supply side, total factor productivity growth was extremely important. Scale economies — the reduction in per unit costs due to increased levels of output — contributed to total factor productivity growth. Scale economies existed due to geographic concentration, to growth of the national economy, and to growth in the output of individual companies. In addition, companies moved down the â€Å"learning curve,† reducing unit costs as their cumulative output rose and demand for their product soared. The social capacity for importing and adapting foreign technology improved and this contributed to total factor productivity growth: * At the household level, investing in education of children improved social capability. * At the firm level, creating internalized labor markets that bound firms to workers and workers to firms, thereby giving workers a strong incentive to flexibly adapt to new technology, improved social capability. * At the government level, industrial policy that reduced the cost to private firms of securing foreign technology enhanced social capacity. Shifting out of low-productivity agriculture into high productivity manufacturing, mining, and construction contributed to total factor productivity growth. Dualism Sharply segmented labor and capital markets emerged in Japan after the 1910s. The capital intensive sector enjoying high ratios of capital to labor paid relatively high wages, and the labor intensive sector paid relatively low wages. Dualism contributed to income inequality and therefore to domestic social unrest. After 1945 a series of public policy reforms addressed inequality and erased much of the social bitterness around dualism that ravaged Japan prior to World War II. The remainder of this article will expand on a number of the themes mentioned above. The appendix reviews quantitative evidence concerning these points. The conclusion of the article lists references that provide a wealth of detailed evidence supporting the points above, which this article can only begin to explore. The Legacy of Autarky and the Proto-Industrial Economy: Achievements of Tokugawa Japan (1600-1868) Why Japan? Given the relatively poor record of countries outside the European cultural area — few achieving the kind of â€Å"catch-up† growth Japan managed between 1880 and 1970 – the question naturally arises: why Japan? After all, when the United States forcibly â€Å"opened Japan† in the 1850s and Japan was forced to cede extra-territorial rights to a number of Western nations as had China earlier in the 1840s, many Westerners and Japanese alike thought Japan’s prospects seemed dim indeed. Tokugawa achievements: urbanization, road networks, rice cultivation, craft production In answering this question, Mosk (2001), Minami (1994) and Ohkawa and Rosovsky (1973) emphasize the achievements of Tokugawa Japan (1600-1868) during a long period of â€Å"closed country† autarky between the mid-seventeenth century and the 1850s: a high level of urbanization; well developed road networks; the channeling of river water flow with embankments and the extensive elaboration of irrigation ditches that supported and encouraged the refinement of rice cultivation based upon improving seed varieties, fertilizers and planting methods especially in the Southwest with its relatively long growing season; the development of proto-industrial (craft) production by merchant houses in the major cities like Osaka and Edo (now called Tokyo) and its diffusion to rural areas after 1700; and the promotion of education and population control among both the military elite (the samurai) and the well- to-do peasantry in the eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries. Tokugawa political economy: daimyo and shogun These developments were inseparable from the political economy of Japan. The system of confederation government introduced at the end of the fifteenth century placed certain powers in the hands of feudal warlords, daimyo, and certain powers in the hands of the shogun, the most powerful of the warlords. Each daimyo — and the shogun — was assigned a geographic region, a domain, being given taxation authority over the peasants residing in the villages of the domain. Intercourse with foreign powers was monopolized by the shogun, thereby preventing daimyo from cementing alliances with other countries in an effort to overthrow the central government. The samurai military retainers of thedaimyo were forced to abandon rice farming and reside in the castle town headquarters of their daimyo overlord. In exchange, samurai received rice stipends from the rice taxes collected from the villages of their domain. By removingsamurai from the countryside — by demilitarizing rural areas — conflicts over local water rights were largely made a thing of the past. As a result irrigation ditches were extended throughout the valleys, and riverbanks were shored up with stone embankments, facilitating transport and preventing flooding. The sustained growth of proto-industrialization in urban Japan, and its widespread diffusion to villages after 1700 was also inseparable from the productivity growth in paddy rice production and the growing of industrial crops like tea, fruit, mulberry plant growing (that sustained the raising of silk cocoons) and cotton. Indeed, Smith (1988) has given pride of place to these â€Å"domestic sources† of Japan’s future industrial success. Readiness to emulate the West As a result of these domestic advances, Japan was well positioned to take up the Western challenge. It harnessed its infrastructure, its high level of literacy, and its proto-industrial distribution networks to the task of emulating Western organizational forms and Western techniques in energy production, first and foremost enlisting inorganic energy sources like coal and the other fossil fuels to generate steam power. Having intensively developed the organic economy depending upon natural energy flows like wind, water and fire, Japanese were quite prepared to master inorganic production after the Black Ships of the Americans forced Japan to jettison its long-standing autarky. From Balanced to Dualistic Growth, 1887-1938: Infrastructure and Manufacturing Expand Fukoku Kyohei After the Tokugawa government collapsed in 1868, a new Meiji government committed to the twin policies of fukoku kyohei (wealthy country/strong military) took up the challenge of renegotiating its treaties with the Western powers. It created infrastructure that facilitated industrialization. It built a modern navy and army that could keep the Western powers at bay and establish a protective buffer zone in North East Asia that eventually formed the basis for a burgeoning Japanese empire in Asia and the Pacific. Central government reforms in education, finance and transportation Jettisoning the confederation style government of the Tokugawa era, the new leaders of the new Meiji government fashioned a unitary state with powerful ministries consolidating authority in the capital, Tokyo. The freshly minted Ministry of Education promoted compulsory primary schooling for the masses and elite university education aimed at deepening engineering and scientific knowledge. The Ministry of Finance created the Bank of Japan in 1882, laying the foundations for a private banking system backed up a lender of last resort. The government began building a steam railroad trunk line girding the four major islands, encouraging private companies to participate in the project. In particular, the national government committed itself to constructing a Tokaido line connecting the Tokyo/Yokohama region to the Osaka/Kobe conurbation along the Pacific coastline of the main island of Honshu, and to creating deepwater harbors at Yokohama and Kobe that could accommodate deep-hulled steamships. Not surprisingly, the merchants in Osaka, the merchant capital of Tokugawa Japan, already well versed in proto-industrial production, turned to harnessing steam and coal, investing heavily in integrated sp inning and weaving steam-driven textile mills during the 1880s. Diffusion of best-practice agriculture At the same time, the abolition of the three hundred or so feudal fiefs that were the backbone of confederation style-Tokugawa rule and their consolidation into politically weak prefectures, under a strong national government that virtually monopolized taxation authority, gave a strong push to the diffusion of best practice agricultural technique. The nationwide diffusion of seed varieties developed in the Southwest fiefs of Tokugawa Japan spearheaded a substantial improvement in agricultural productivity especially in the Northeast. Simultaneously, expansion of agriculture using traditional Japanese technology agriculture and manufacturing using imported Western technology resulted. Balanced growth Growth at the close of the nineteenth century was balanced in the sense that traditional and modern technology using sectors grew at roughly equal rates, and labor — especially young girls recruited out of farm households to labor in the steam using textile mills — flowed back and forth between rural and urban Japan at wages that were roughly equal in industrial and agricultural pursuits. Geographic economies of scale in the Tokaido belt Concentration of industrial production first in Osaka and subsequently throughout the Tokaido belt fostered powerful geographic scale economies (the ability to reduce per unit costs as output levels increase), reducing the costs of securing energy, raw materials and access to global markets for enterprises located in the great harbor metropolises stretching from the massive Osaka/Kobe complex northward to the teeming Tokyo/Yokohama conurbation. Between 1904 and 1911, electrification mainly due to the proliferation of intercity electrical railroads created economies of scale in the nascent industrial belt facing outward onto the Pacific. The consolidation of two huge hydroelectric power grids during the 1920s — one servicing Tokyo/Yokohama, the other Osaka and Kobe — further solidified the comparative advantage of the Tokaido industrial belt in factory production. Finally, the widening and paving during the 1920s of roads that could handle buses and trucks was also pione ered by the great metropolises of the Tokaido, which further bolstered their relative advantage in per capita infrastructure. Organizational economies of scale — zaibatsu In addition to geographic scale economies, organizational scale economies also became increasingly important in the late nineteenth centuries. The formation of the zaibatsu (â€Å"financial cliques†), which gradually evolved into diversified industrial combines tied together through central holding companies, is a case in point. By the 1910s these had evolved into highly diversified combines, binding together enterprises in banking and insurance, trading companies, mining concerns, textiles, iron and steel plants, and machinery manufactures. By channeling profits from older industries into new lines of activity like electrical machinery manufacturing, the zaibatsu form of organization generated scale economies in finance, trade and manufacturing, drastically reducing information-gathering and transactions costs. By attracting relatively scare managerial and entrepreneurial talent, the zaibatsu format economized on human resources. Electrification The push into electrical machinery production during the 1920s had a revolutionary impact on manufacturing. Effective exploitation of steam power required the use of large central steam engines simultaneously driving a large number of machines — power looms and mules in a spinning/weaving plant for instance – throughout a factory. Small enterprises did not mechanize in the steam era. But with electrification the â€Å"unit drive† system of mechanization spread. Each machine could be powered up independently of one another. Mechanization spread rapidly to the smallest factory. Emergence of the dualistic economy With the drive into heavy industries — chemicals, iron and steel, machinery — the demand for skilled labor that would flexibly respond to rapid changes in technique soared. Large firms in these industries began offering premium wages and guarantees of employment in good times and bad as a way of motivating and holding onto valuable workers. A dualistic economy emerged during the 1910s. Small firms, light industry and agriculture offered relatively low wages. Large enterprises in the heavy industries offered much more favorable remuneration, extending paternalistic benefits like company housing and company welfare programs to their â€Å"internal labor markets.† As a result a widening gulf opened up between the great metropolitan centers of the Tokaido and rural Japan. Income per head was far higher in the great industrial centers than in the hinterland. Clashing urban/rural and landlord/tenant interests The economic strains of emergent dualism were amplified by the slowing down of technological progress in the agricultural sector, which had exhaustively reaped the benefits due to regional diffusion from the Southwest to the Northeast of best practice Tokugawa rice cultivation. Landlords — around 45% of the cultivable rice paddy land in Japan was held in some form of tenancy at the beginning of the twentieth century — who had played a crucial role in promoting the diffusion of traditional best practice techniques now lost interest in rural affairs and turned their attention to industrial activities. Tenants also found their interests disregarded by the national authorities in Tokyo, who were increasingly focused on supplying cheap foodstuffs to the burgeoning industrial belt by promoting agricultural production within the empire that it was assembling through military victories. Japan secured Taiwan from China in 1895, and formally brought Korea under its imperial rule in 1910 upon the heels of its successful war against Russia in 1904-05. Tenant unions reacted to this callous disrespect of their needs through violence. Landlord/tenant disputes broke out in the early 1920s, and continued to plague Japan politically throughout the 1930s, calls for land reform and bureaucratic proposals for reform being rejected by a Diet (Japan’s legislature) politically dominated by landlords. Japan’s military expansion Japan’s thrust to imperial expansion was inflamed by the growing instability of the geopolitical and international trade regime of the later 1920s and early 1930s. The relative decline of the United Kingdom as an economic power doomed a gold standard regime tied to the British pound. The United States was becoming a potential contender to the United Kingdom as the backer of a gold standard regime but its long history of high tariffs and isolationism deterred it from taking over leadership in promoting global trade openness. Germany and the Soviet Union were increasingly becoming industrial and military giants on the Eurasian land mass committed to ideologies hostile to the liberal democracy championed by the United Kingdom and the United States. It was against this international backdrop that Japan began aggressively staking out its claim to being the dominant military power in East Asia and the Pacific, thereby bringing it into conflict with the United States and the United K ingdom in the Asian and Pacific theaters after the world slipped into global warfare in 1939. Reform and Reconstruction in a New International Economic Order, Japan after World War II Postwar occupation: economic and institutional restructuring Surrendering to the United States and its allies in 1945, Japan’s economy and infrastructure was revamped under the S.C.A.P (Supreme Commander of the Allied Powers) Occupation lasting through 1951. As Nakamura (1995) points out, a variety of Occupation-sponsored reforms transformed the institutional environment conditioning economic performance in Japan. The major zaibatsu were liquidated by the Holding Company Liquidation Commission set up under the Occupation (they were revamped as keiretsu corporate groups mainly tied together through cross-shareholding of stock in the aftermath of the Occupation); land reform wiped out landlordism and gave a strong push to agricultural productivity through mechanization of rice cultivation; and collective bargaining, largely illegal under the Peace Preservation Act that was used to suppress union organizing during the interwar period, was given the imprimatur of constitutional legality. Finally, education was opened up, partly through making middle school compulsory, partly through the creation of national universities in each of Japan’s forty-six prefectures. Improvement in the social capability for economic growth In short, from a domestic point of view, the social capability for importing and adapting foreign technology was improved with the reforms in education and the fillip to competition given by the dissolution of the zaibatsu. Resolving tension between rural and urban Japan through land reform and the establishment of a rice price support program — that guaranteed farmers incomes comparable to blue collar industrial workers — also contributed to the social capacity to absorb foreign technology by suppressing the political divisions between metropolitan and hinterland Japan that plagued the nation during the interwar years. Japan and the postwar international order The revamped international economic order contributed to the social capability of importing and adapting foreign technology. The instability of the 1920s and 1930s was replaced with replaced with a relatively predictable bipolar world in which the United States and the Soviet Union opposed each other in both geopolitical and ideological arenas. The United States became an architect of multilateral architecture designed to encourage trade through its sponsorship of the United Nations, the World Bank, the International Monetary Fund and the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade (the predecessor to the World Trade Organization). Under the logic of building military alliances to contain Eurasian Communism, the United States brought Japan under its â€Å"nuclear umbrella† with a bilateral security treaty. American companies were encouraged to license technology to Japanese companies in the new international environment. Japan redirected its trade away from the areas that had been incorporated into the Japanese Empire before 1945, and towards the huge and expanding American market. Miracle Growth: Soaring Domestic Investment and Export Growth, 1953-1970 Its infrastructure revitalized through the Occupation period reforms, its capacity to import and export enhanced by the new international economic order, and its access to American technology bolstered through its security pact with the United States, Japan experienced the dramatic â€Å"Miracle Growth† between 1953 and the early 1970s whose sources have been cogently analyzed by Denison and Chung (1976). Especially striking in the Miracle Growth period was the remarkable increase in the rate of domestic fixed capital formation, the rise in the investment proportion being matched by a rising savings rate whose secular increase — especially that of private household savings – has been well documented and analyzed by Horioka (1991). While Japan continued to close the gap in income per capita between itself and the United States after the early 1970s, most scholars believe that large Japanese m anufacturing enterprises had by and large become internationally competitive by the early 1970s. In this sense it can be said that Japan had completed its nine decade long convergence to international competitiveness through industrialization by the early 1970s. MITI There is little doubt that the social capacity to import and adapt foreign technology was vastly improved in the aftermath of the Pacific War. Creating social consensus with Land Reform and agricultural subsidies reduced political divisiveness, extending compulsory education and breaking up the zaibatsu had a positive impact. Fashioning the Ministry of International Trade and Industry (M.I.T.I.) that took responsibility for overseeing industrial policy is also viewed as facilitating Japan’s social capability. There is no doubt that M.I.T.I. drove down the cost of securing foreign technology. By intervening between Japanese firms and foreign companies, it acted as a single buyer of technology, playing off competing American and European enterprises in order to reduce the royalties Japanese concerns had to pay on technology licenses. By keeping domestic patent periods short, M.I.T.I. encouraged rapid diffusion of technology. And in some cases — the experience of International Business Machines (I.B.M.), enjoying a virtual monopoly in global mainframe computer markets during the 1950s and early 1960s, is a classical case — M.I.T.I. made it a condition of entry into the Japanese market (through the creation of a subsidiary Japan I.B.M. in the case of I.B.M.) that foreign companies share many of their technological secrets with potential Japanese competitors. How important industrial policy was for Miracle Growth remains controversial, however. The view of Johnson (1982), who hails industrial policy as a pillar of the Japanese Development State (government promoting economic growth through state policies) has been criticized and revised by subsequent scholars. The book by Uriu (1996) is a case in point. Internal labor markets, just-in-time inventory and quality control circles Furthering the internalization of labor markets — the premium wages and long-term employment guarantees largely restricted to white collar workers were extended to blue collar workers with the legalization of unions and collective bargaining after 1945 — also raised the social capability of adapting foreign technology. Internalizing labor created a highly flexible labor force in post-1950 Japan. As a result, Japanese workers embraced many of the key ideas of Just-in-Time inventory control and Quality Control circles in assembly industries, learning how to do rapid machine setups as part and parcel of an effort to produce components â€Å"just-in-time† and without defect. Ironically, the concepts of just-in-time and quality control were originally developed in the United States, just-in-time methods being pioneered by supermarkets and quality control by efficiency experts like W. Edwards Deming. Yet it was in Japan that these concepts were relentlessly pursued to revolutionize assembly line industries during the 1950s and 1960s. Ultimate causes of the Japanese economic â€Å"miracle† Miracle Growth was the completion of a protracted historical process involving enhancing human capital, massive accumulation of physical capital including infrastructure and private manufacturing capacity, the importation and adaptation of foreign technology, and the creation of scale economies, which took decades and decades to realize. Dubbed a miracle, it is best seen as the reaping of a bountiful harvest whose seeds were painstakingly planted in the six decades between 1880 and 1938. In the course of the nine decades between the 1880s and 1970, Japan amassed and lost a sprawling empire, reorienting its trade and geopolitical stance through the twists and turns of history. While the ultimate sources of growth can be ferreted out through some form of statistical accounting, the specific way these sources were marshaled in practice is inseparable from the history of Japan itself and of the global environment within which it has realized its industrial destiny. Appendix: Sources of Growth Accounting and Quantitative Aspects of Japan’s Modern Economic Development One of the attractions of studying Japan’s post-1880 economic development is the abundance of quantitative data documenting Japan’s growth. Estimates of Japanese income and output by sector, capital stock and labor force extend back to the 1880s, a period when Japanese income per capita was low. Consequently statistical probing of Japan’s long-run growth from relative poverty to abundance is possible. The remainder of this appendix is devoted to introducing the reader to the vast literature on quantitative analysis of Japan’s economic development from the 1880s until 1970, a nine decade period during which Japanese income per capita converged towards income per capita levels in Western Europe. As the reader will see, this discussion confirms the importance of factors discussed at the outset of this article. Our initial touchstone is the excellent â€Å"sources of growth† accounting analysis carried out by Denison and Chung (1976) on Japan’s growth between 1953 and 1971. Attributing growth in national income in growth of inputs, the factors of production — capital and labor — and growth in output per unit of the two inputs combined (total factor productivity) along the following lines: G(Y) = { a G(K) + [1-a] G(L) } + G (A) where G(Y) is the (annual) growth of national output, g(K) is the growth rate of capital services, G(L) is the growth rate of labor services, a is capital’s share in national income (the share of income accruing to owners of capital), and G(A) is the growth of total factor productivity, is a standard approach used to approximate the sources of growth of income. Using a variant of this type of decomposition that takes into account improvements in the quality of capital and labor, estimates of scale economies and adjustments for structural change (shifting labor out of agriculture helps explain why total factor productivity grows), Denison and Chung (1976) generate a useful set of estimates for Japan’s Miracle Growth era. Operating with this â€Å"sources of growth† approach and proceeding under a variety of plausible assumptions, Denison and Chung (1976) estimate that of Japan’s average annual real national income growth of 8.77 % over 1953-71, input growth accounted for 3.95% (accounting for 45% of total growth) and growth in output per unit of input contributed 4.82% (accounting for 55% of total growth). To be sure, the precise assumptions and techniques they use can be criticized. The precise numerical results they arrive at can be argued over. Still, their general point — that Japan’s growth was the result of improvements in the quality of factor inputs — health and education for workers, for instance — and improvements in the way these inputs are utilized in production — due to technological and organizational change, reallocation of resources from agriculture to non-agriculture, and scale economies, is defensible. Notes: [a] Maddison (2000) provides estimates of real income that take into account the purchasing power of national currencies. [b] Ohkawa (1979) gives estimates for the â€Å"N† sector that is defined as manufacturing and mining (Ma) plus construction plus facilitating industry (transport, communications and utilities). It should be noted that the concept of an â€Å"N† sector is not standard in the field of economics. [c] The estimates of trade are obtained by adding merchandise imports to merchandise exports. Trade openness is estimated by taking the ratio of total (merchandise) trade to national output, the latter defined as Gross Domestic Product (G.D.P.). The trade figures include trade with Japan’s empire (Korea, Taiwan, Manchuria, etc.); the income figures for Japan exclude income generated in the empire. [d] The Human Development Index is a composite variable formed by adding together indices for educational attainment, for health (using life expectancy that is inversely related to the level of the infant mortality rate, the IMR), and for real per capita income. For a detailed discussion of this index see United Nations Development Programme (2000). [e] Electrical generation is measured in million kilowatts generated and supplied. For 1970, the figures on NHK subscribers are for television subscribers. The symbol n.a. = not available. Sources: The figures in this table are taken from various pages and tables in Japan Statistical Association (1987), Maddison (2000), Minami (1994), and Ohkawa (1979). Flowing from this table are a number of points that bear lessons of the Denison and Chung (1976) decomposition. One cluster of points bears upon the timing of Japan’s income per capita growth and the relationship of manufacturing expansion to income growth. Another highlights improvements in the quality of the labor input. Yet another points to the overriding importance of domestic investment in manufacturing and the lesser significance of trade demand. A fourth group suggests that infrastructure has been important to economic growth and industrial expansion in Japan, as exemplified by the figures on electricity generating capacity and the mass diffusion of communications in the form of radio and television broadcasting. Several parts of Table 1 point to industrialization, defined as an increase in the proportion of output (and labor force) attributable to manufacturing and mining, as the driving force in explaining Japan’s income per capita growth. Notable in Panels A and B of the table is that the gap between Japanese and American income per capita closed most decisively during the 1910s, the 1930s, and the 1960s, precisely the periods when manufacturing expansion was the most vigorous. Equally noteworthy of the spurts of the 1910s, 1930s and the 1960s is the overriding importance of gross domestic fixed capital formation, that is investment, for growth in demand. By contrast, trade seems much less important to growth in demand during these critical decades, a point emphasized by both Minami (1994) and by Ohkawa and Rosovsky (1973). The notion that Japanese growth was â€Å"export led† during the nine decades between 1880 and 1970 when Japan caught up technologically with the leading Western nations is not defensible. Rather, domestic capital investment seems to be the driving force behind aggregate demand expansion. The periods of especially intense capital formation were also the periods when manufacturing production soared. Capital formation in manufacturing, or in infrastructure supporting manufacturing expansion, is the main agent pushing long-run income per capita growth. Why? As Ohkawa and Rosovsky (1973) argue, spurts in manufacturing capital formation were associated with the import and adaptation of foreign technology, especially from the United States These investment spurts were also associated with shifts of labor force out of agriculture and into manufacturing, construction and facilitating sectors where labor productivity was far higher than it was in labor-intensive farming centered around labor-intensive rice cultivation. The logic of productivity gain due to more efficient allocation of labor resources is apparent from the right hand column of Panel A in Table 1. Finally, Panel C of Table 1 suggests that infrastructure investment that facilitated health and educational attainment (combined public and private expenditure on sanitation, schools and research laboratories), and public/private investment in physical infrastructure including dams and hydroelectric power grids helped fuel the expansion of manufacturing by improving human capital and by reducing the costs of transportation, communications and energy supply faced by private factories. Mosk (2001) argues that investments in human-capital-enhancing (medicine, public health and education), financial (banking) and physical infrastructure (harbors, roads, power grids, railroads and communications) laid the groundwork for industrial expansions. Indeed, the â€Å"social capability for importing and adapting foreign technology† emphasized by Ohkawa and Rosovsky (1973) can be largely explained by an infrastructure-driven growth hypothesis like that given by Mosk (2001). In sum, Denison and Chung (1976) argue that a combination of input factor improvement and growth in output per combined factor inputs account for Japan’s most rapid spurt of economic growth. Table 1 suggests that labor quality improved because health was enhanced and educational attainment increased; that investment in manufacturing was important not only because it increased capital stock itself but also because it reduced dependence on agriculture and went hand in glove with improvements in knowledge; and that the social capacity to absorb and adapt Western technology that fueled improvements in knowledge was associated with infrastructure investment. References Denison, Edward and William Chung. â€Å"Economic Growth and Its Sources.† In Asia’s Next Giant: How the Japanese Economy Works, edited by Hugh Patrick and Henry Rosovsky, 63-151. Washington, DC: Brookings Institution, 1976. Horioka, Charles Y. â€Å"Future Trends in Japan’s Savings Rate and the Implications Thereof for Japan’s External Imbalance.†Japan and the World Economy 3 (1991): 307-330. Japan Statistical Association. Historical Statistics of Japan [Five Volumes]. Tokyo: Japan Statistical Association, 1987. Johnson, Chalmers. MITI and the Japanese Miracle: The Growth of Industrial Policy, 1925-1975. Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1982. Maddison, Angus. Monitoring the World Economy, 1820-1992. Paris: Organization for Economic Co-operation and Development, 2000. Minami, Ryoshin. Economic Development of Japan: A Quantitative Study. [Second edition]. Houndmills, Basingstoke, Hampshire: Macmillan Press, 1994. Mitchell, Brian. International Hi storical Statistics: Africa and Asia. New York: New York University Press, 1982. Mosk, Carl. Japanese Industrial History: Technology, Urbanization, and Economic Growth. Armonk, New York: M.E. Sharpe, 2001. Nakamura, Takafusa. The Postwar Japanese Economy: Its Development and Structure, 1937-1994. Tokyo: University of Tokyo Press, 1995. Ohkawa, Kazushi. â€Å"Production Structure.† In Patterns of Japanese Economic Development: A Quantitative Appraisal, edited by Kazushi Ohkawa and Miyohei Shinohara with Larry Meissner, 34-58. New Haven: Yale University Press, 1979. Ohkawa, Kazushi and Henry Rosovsky. Japanese Economic Growth: Trend Acceleration in the Twentieth Century. Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press, 1973. Smith, Thomas. Native Sources of Japanese Industrialization, 1750-1920. Berkeley: University of California Press, 1988. Uriu, Robert. Troubled Industries: Confronting Economic Challenge in Japan. Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1996. United Nations Development Programme. Human Development Report, 2000. New York: Oxford University Press, 2000. Citation: Mosk, Carl. â€Å"Japan, Industrialization and Economic Growth†. EH.Net Encyclopedia, edited by Robert Whaples. January 18, 2004. URL http://eh.net/encyclopedia/article/mosk.japan.final

How Does Hydro And Wave Energy Work Environmental Sciences Essay

Energy besides known as electricity is an of import beginning of energy usage all around the universe. Electricity Energy helps make a batch of work such as it gives people visible radiation. It warms our organic structures and places. It runs our Television and our autos. It makes us turn and travel and believe. Energy is the power to alter things. It is the ability to make work. Light is a type of energy we use all the clip. We use it so we can see. We get most of our visible radiation from the Sun. At dark people must do there our ain visible radiation. Normally, we use electricity to do visible radiation. In today ‘s universe with the aid of latest engineering energy can be created by utilizing heat from Sun, power of air current and the force of falling H2O or moving ridge. Currently authorities from all around the universe are keen in puting a batch of money in these undertakings. The undertakings are met to be environmentally friendly, low in cost, easy to keep and resound free. Hydro energy system provides energy that usually comes from H2O force and converts to electricity. Hydro energy can be created by utilizing many ways. In most of the taking states, the most dependable and inexpensive common method of bring forthing energy from H2O are hydroelectric dikes, where H2O comes down through an country that causes turbines to revolve and so energy can be captured to run a generator. Power can besides be generated from the energy of tidal forces or beckon power, which uses the energy created by moving ridges. 1.2 Technology in different states Technological progresss in the workss and in power transmittal make it executable to construct hydroelectric workss in distant locations, far from where the power will be used. The Itaipu Dam on the Paran & A ; aacute ; River between Paraguay and Brazil can bring forth up to 12,600 megawatts of power. This works, opened in 1982, supplies about all Paraguay ‘s electricity and one-fourth of that needed for Brazil. Tasik Kenyir ( Lake Kenyir ) Sultan Mahmud hydroelectric power station in Malaysia has a capacity of 400 megawatts of power. One of the largest hydroelectric undertakings in the universe is China ‘s Three Gorges undertaking on the Yangtze River. The dike, designed to command the lay waste toing inundations on the river, includes a big hydroelectric works. With a capacity of 18,200 megawatts, Three Gorges is projected to be able to supply up to one-ninth of China ‘s electricity needs. China has besides built many little hydroelectric workss for local usage ar ound the state. 1.3 Phase of development of Hydro Energy Hydroelectric power grew quickly after that. In 1886 there were 45 hydroelectric workss in the United States. By 1889, 200 workss were bring forthing electricity by utilizing H2O for some or all of the power. At the same clip, hydroelectric power workss opened around the universe. Italy built its first hydroelectric works in 1885 at Tivoli, in the mountains outside Rome. The works ab initio powered visible radiations in the nearby town. But by 1892 a 2nd works in the same location was supplying power to Rome, the first long-distance power transmittal in Italy. Other states with good conditions for hydroelectric power shortly built workss. Canada, France, Japan, and Russia were among the first on board. During the period from 1900 to 1950 the usage of hydroelectric power increased quickly. 1.4 Economicss and political relations involved Hydro energy systems have a large impact economically as the system provides energy to public where they are charged for the serviced. While this procedure travel on capital normally comes in the market where every one gets a part of the concern or makes net income for there concern. Politically the system can do a difference for illustration if there is a natural catastrophe the authorities will do a loss. 1.5 Cultural and determination devising in different states Many states in the universe usage hydro energy system to make electricity in a lower cost. Currently Canada comes up top of the list for high use and the United States comes in 2nd. One of the chief grounds the undermentioned states took the determination to utilize hydro energy system the most to bring forth electricity is because it ‘s a renewable energy, which means it will non be depleted over clip and it will systematically be replenished. It is besides a clean energy beginning. 1.6 Possible Problems when utilizing Hydro Energy One job that can go on when utilizing hydro energy is that it sometime can alter the natural flow of the H2O which can do it possible to harm workss and animate beings in the H2O. It can besides damage countries and wildlife, as when making a hydro electric dike, countries should be flooded. 1.7 Profitable Hydro Energy system Other grounds that many states want to utilize hydro energy is that it is cheaper than utilizing other methods to change over energy to electricity. It is besides dependable and can be used about instantly when turned on to run into the demand for electricity. Therefore, one must weigh the pros and cons before make up one's minding to utilize hydro energy to provide their demand for electricity. 1.8 Application of Hydro Energy our Major A hydro energy works can absorbs the energy of falling H2O to bring forth electricity so a turbine can change over the energy of falling H2O into mechanical energy. Then a generator has to change over the mechanical energy into electrical energy. Hydro workss can be in different size from micro-hydro that power merely really few places. A Dam can raise H2O degree of a river to make falling H2O. Besides the dike can command the flow of H2O. The reservoir that is created is will practically hive away energy. The force of falling H2O should force against the turbine ‘s blades doing the turbine to turn in one way. A H2O turbine is similar to a windmill, except that the energy is provided in different manner, falling H2O alternatively of air current. The turbine should change over the kinetic energy of falling H2O into a mechanical energy. Generator that is connected to the turbine via shafts so when the turbine turns it makes the generator to revolve besides convert the mechanical energy from the turbine into electric energy. Wave Energy 2.1 Background of moving ridge energy Waves are of course caused by the air current which blows over the sea degree. In many portion of the universe, the air current blows with different force to supply moving ridges that can be used to bring forth energy. There is high degree energy and force in the ocean moving ridges. Wave power can devices and extract energy straight from the surface ocean moving ridges or from force per unit area fluctuations below the surface. Wave can besides be generated moving ridge when Earth quack takes topographic point. Wave power varies widely in different parts of the universe, and beckon energy ca n't be usefull efficaciously everyplace. Wave-power can be found in different countries of the universe include the western seashores of Scotland, northern Canada, southern Africa, Australia, and the north-western seashores of the United States. 2.2 Technology In the current market engineerings and design in moving ridge Energy system has improved enormously. The industrial moving ridge power station/plant has to utilize a shoreline chamber, in which saltwater comes and goes of course. As the H2O semen, the air in the chamber is pressurised and forced to travel through a hole into the turbine, to do it turn. As the H2O recedes, the air is goes back, go forthing the turbine turning. The turbine so can be connected via a shaft but the new engineering is utilizing belt to the generator where energy will be converted into electricity. 2.3 Impact on environment In today ‘s universe moving ridge power is considered as environmentally friendly. Most complain normally come from local neighbors as it can be a spot noisy, landscape, or affect of roads taking to the sites. These complains are presently seen as disadvantage. 2.4 Political and Economic Impact Wave energy has made a large impact economically and politically from old ages. Economically in a manner when a undertaking take topographic point it brings capital together which means everyone little concern, contracts laborers, stores and many acquire a part of the concern and gain them net income. Politically it can impact the authorities if the undertaking does non work because of a natural catastrophe. 2.5 Application of moving ridge energy Kinetic energy of course has to be in the moving ridge that moves in the ocean. The energy can be used to power and run a turbine. Following the illustration in diagram 1 below moving ridge should lift while making the chamber. The forces of the lifting H2O really have to force air out of the chamber. The traveling air in ruddy coloring material shown in the diagram spins the existent turbine which will manually turn the generator. After this procedure wave down, air flows through the turbine and back into the chamber through doors that are usually closed. Others system really uses up and down gesture of the moving ridge to power Piston that moves up and down indoors the cylinder. That Piston should be able to turn a generator. Tidal Power – Wave Energy Diagram 1 Comparison of different energy system Hydro Energy Hydroelectric power has other benefits as good. Dams and hydroelectric workss last a long clip. This means that one time the costs of edifice are paid off, a hydroelectric works becomes a comparatively cheap beginning of electricity. Wave Energy Wave energy system is every bit good as hydro energy. Advantages are it does non upset populace in instance there of noise. Disadvantages are it can do amendss in instance there are sea storm and besides mite be hard for applied scientists to make any care. Wind Energy Wind Energy system work about the same manner wave energy plants. Before applied scientists used to put large turbines in land but now engineering has improved same system can be build on sea and works every bit good as any other system. Decision Following the treatment between different sort of energy systems. Energy is a really of import factor in today ‘s universe. As engineering degree is lifting better energy system is been design and tested. Presently a new energy system has been tested which works under H2O. The turbine system is fixed on the land to protect against quiver. The turbine system rotates with the aid of sea H2O force per unit area. Engineers and authorities of all the prima states are puting more energy system because they are pollution free and do non necessitate any expensive fuel.

Helen of Troy allusion from Romeo and Juliet Essay

Allusion location: Act 2, Scene 4, line 107 Quote: â€Å"Helen and Hero were sluts and harlots.† Plot context: Romeo has just arranged for Juliet and his marriage and is walking home when Mercutio spots him. Mercutio makes jokes about how his girl is so beautiful that she makes the most beautiful women in history look ugly. Mercutio also mentions that Romeo gave them the slip the previous night. Romeo replies and asked what they meant and Mercutio starts making sexual jokes about what Romeo was doing the previous night. Romeo responds to Mercutios jokes humorously and continues to joke with Mercutio. Research: Helen of Troy is sometimes referred to the face that launched a thousand ships. Helen of Troy was said to be the daughter of Zeus and was kidnapped by Theseus, king of Athens, and Pirithous, king of Larissa because they wanted to make love with the daughter of Zeus before they died. When Helen was older she had thousands of suitors. To pick the suitor Helens father made the suitors all sweat to protect Helen and whoever her husband should be and then created a competition which Menelaus won. When Menelaus took Helen back to Pleistheines and they lived happily for about a year before Paris, the prince of Troy, came to Pleistheines and fell in love with Helen. When Menelaus left to go to a funeral in Crete, Paris and Helen fled for Troy with some of Menelaus’s wealth. When Pleistheines returned and found out what had happened he called for all of Helens old suitors to keep their promise and help him bring back Helen. Analysis: The reference to Helen of Troy has often been used to compare a beautiful woman to Helen of Troy to say that they are beautiful. The allusion to Helen of Troy is foreshadowing because Romeo and Paris both fight over Juliet just like Menelaus fought Paris over Helen.

Equality, Diversity and inclusion in work with children and young people. Essay

1.1 How does the equality Act 2010 promote equality and diversity? Obtain your schools Equality of opportunity policy. What is its aim? Identify references to action. The Equality Act protects individuals from unfair treatment and promotes a fair more equal society. Equality and diversity is now a ‘limiting judgement’ in Ofsted inspections. This means that if equality measures are not being implemented efficiently, this will restrict the overall inspection grade. As a school, you must not discriminate against a pupil or prospective pupil because of their disability, race, sex, gender reassignment, religion or belief, or sexual orientation. The objectives at Tutshill School are that all children in our school will learn in an environment free from the effects of and without discrimination, and that the working conditions and environment of our staff and volunteers will also be free from discrimination. Tutshill C of E Primary School strives to ensure that the culture and ethos of the school are such that, whatever the heritage and origins of members of the school community, everyone is equally valued and treats one another with respect. Pupils should be provided with the opportunity to experience, understand and celebrate diversity. Tutshill School will adhere to Gloucestershire LEA’s Racial Harassment in Schools – Guidelines and make all new teachers, student teachers and ancillary staff aware of the policy. 1.2 Why is it important to support the rights of all children and young people to participation and equality of access? All children have the right to access all the opportunities which are on offer in the school provision. Each and every pupil has the right to learn and should not be discriminated against for any reason. In order for us to  achieve this we must involve the children and parents in finding out what works well in school and what doesn’t. This should be supported by high quality teaching and learning experience. I believe that involving the children in this process would make the children more confident and feel more valued within school. 1.3 How is cultural diversity valued and promoted in your school? Discuss its importance. Within Tutshill School opportunities are provided for all children to experience others cultures and ethnic backgrounds. This is promoted through literacy lessons. Every term the children I work with have a new topic for example, Greece and The Romans. With each topic they learn about their cultures such as their religion, language and the different foods they eat. The children in year four studied the Romans and did a play for the other children in assembly and also designed a menu for the whole school to try. The Year five class studied Greece and designed and made holiday brochure for display in their class room and also designed a Greek menu for the school to try. This is to ensure that the children understand and value the social and cultural diversity that could be in their own community as well as around the world. Culture can cut across nationalities and faiths and by promoting cultural diversity and the differences of individuals and groups within school will enhance a child ’s learning and promote knowledge and understanding of all pupils. Diverse cultures in schools should be acknowledged and reflected throughout the curriculum. By supporting and encouraging children to understand and accept cultural diversity will also prevent stereotyping and reduce prejudice and discrimination within schools. Most importantly, it will prepare children and young people for numerous changes that will happen in their lives as adults where they will inevitably be involved in mixing with adults of different cultures and backgrounds. Having watched the Teachers’ TV programme ‘Pride and Prejudice’, about Gypsy, Roma and Traveller children, comment on the following. 2.1 What prejudices do these groups face? Gypsy, Roma and Traveller children face many prejudices throughout their lives. They are not considered part of the community that they live in and often come up against racism, stereotyping, discrimination and abuse not only from other children but adults as well. 2.2 What impact does this have on traveller C/YP? The impact that racism, stereotyping and discrimination have on the children is that they fall out of school or are taken out of school at an early age. Majority of traveller children tend to leave school or are taken out of school at the end of primary level as they find the transition into secondary school a difficult one due to other children and teachers bulling them and having little knowledge or understanding of their culture. The remainder of the children do not often make it past year 9. 2.3/2.4 How have schools tackled prejudice to raise attendance and attainment? Schools have tackled these prejudices by increasing other people’s knowledge about these minority groups. For Example: †¢Celebrate their culture. †¢Looking at the history of the travellers. †¢Increasing awareness of their heritage by having day trips to the Romany life centre. †¢Traveller children making a booklet to educate teachers and pupils, about their religion and how and where they live. †¢Showing the pupils a film about travellers about their skills and how they made a living. To raise attendance and attainment schools have been flexible with rules regarding attendance rates and given extra support especially just before SAT’s. The most important thing I feel is that they treated each and every child the same. 3.1 Explain what is meant by ‘inclusion’? Inclusion means to be fully included, to make people feel valued and respected irrespective of ethnicity, gender, disability, culture, age, religion and sexual orientation. It is about giving equal access and opportunities to everyone. 3.2/3.3 Provide 3 or 4 examples of inclusive practices in your classroom/school. During my time at Tutshill School I have witnessed and been part of several inclusive practices. Example 1. Within year 4 we have a student who is Chinese. During the Chinese New-year SL brought in sweets for everyone so we could celebrate the Chinese new-year with her. She then had time to talk to the class about what she did during their celebrations. Example 2. Throughout each classroom and the school there are displays of children’s work. All abilities are displayed, so the children can see and understand that just because their work may not be the neatest or always correct it will still get to be displayed. Example 3. During P.E all children will be included, whether they have a lower ability or any medical issues. The games that they are playing will be adapted if needed to so that every child has the opportunity to participate.